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"Sign of a Secret:" Recruiting to the Plot

"A Sign of a Secret:" Recruiting to the Plot

With their secret religious society now established, John Lewelling and his fellow members then had to find ways to recruit like-minded locals into their plot. In crafting the structure and recruiting process for the new society, Lewelling repeatedly referred back to religious terms and symbols.

Lewelling enlisted the help of a small circle of supporters and appointed them as senior wardens for the society. The term "senior warden" alluded to the religious nature of the society and its goals. In the Anglican church, senior wardens occupied leadership roles in the congregation. They could hold religious readings and acted as an intermediary between the rector and the people. For Lewelling, his senior wardens would have the authority to swear new members into the society in his absence. They were also distributed throughout the area, so for example, while John Lewelling inducted new members in Martin County, Daniel Leggett did so in Bertie and Tyrrell Counties.

Finding likeminded locals eligible for induction into the society was another matter. Senior wardens in the society such as James Sherrard, Daniel Leggett, and John Lewelling designated certain trusted members of the society as recruiters, who could approach people, gauge their interest,and refer them to a senior warden for more information.

Recruiters often approached their own family members. John Garrett of Tyrrell County, for example, likely recruited five of his family members into the plot. Aside from approaching people at their own homes, recruiters also often took advantage of community events where groups of men gathered together.

John Everett approached John Harrison and Thomas Rogers, both Tyrrell County farmers, at the end of a religious reading at Everett's father's house. Bertie County farmer Peleg Belote was recruited after attending a sermon near James Sherrard's house in Martin County.

Daniel Leggett approached Stephen Harrison, Bird Land, and William Howard during a wheat reaping at Jonathan Davis' house, wherein men from the community visited one farmer's homestead to assist in the labor intensive tasks associated with harvest time. Several other members of the conspiracy mentioned gathering at Thomas Harrison's peach and apple orchards.

Engraving of colonial men harvesting wheat by hand

Engraving of farmers harvesting wheat by hand. Harvest season was a busy time, and community members often gathered together to help one another. Courtesy of New York Public Library.

In nearly all cases, the recruiter would approach a potential member and engage him in a discussion about the threats to religion of the day. If he answered that he too wanted to protect the Protestant religion, the recruiter would take him to a secluded area where they wouldn't be seen or overheard, such as a quiet path, an isolated field, or inside a barn. There the recruiter would ask him if he could keep a secret. If the man agreed to swear to keep a secret, he'd make an oath and become a preliminary member of the society.

Still as a preliminary member, men had no idea what they had signed up for, except for that it was a religious organization meant to protect the Protestant religion. In order to get more information, the recruit would refer them to a senior warden in the area. Still, it was a secret society, so how could they approach a fellow member without raising suspicion? Like any good secret society, the Gourd Patch conspirators used a complicated system of secret signs and passwords.

New recruits received a special stick with three notches cut into it, with instructions to present the stick to a senior warden of the society. They were to present their stick to the warden, and the protocol was as follows:

Image of colonial men harvesting fruit trees by hand

Engraving of farmers harvesting fruit trees. Several men joined the Gourd Patch Conspiracy at Thomas Harrison's orchard. Courtesy of New York Public Library.

A Person possessed of the Secret was to have a stick with three notches; upon being asked what that was for, he was to answer 'a sign:' upon its being further enquired 'what sign,' he was to reply 'the sign of a Secret.' The Enquiry being still continued in these Words, 'Have you that Secret?' The Possessor of the Stick was to answer 'I have': that the words 'be true' were then to be lettered between them.

-Deposition of John Clifton, 12 August 1777

The religious symbolism in the secret signs of the society abounded. In some cases, rather than "Be True," the password was "INRI," an abbreviation of a Latin term meaning "Jesus the Nazarene, King of the Jews." As one historian has noted, the society's members were quite literally telling one another "to be true to INRI."

There were also numerous references to the holy trinity in the society's symbology. Aside from the three cut notches on the stick, one member, Charles Rhodes, was instructed to "shut Three Fingers of the left Hand and draw the fore Finger over the Face." Further when a provisionary member met with a senior warden, there were up to three additional secret oaths they could take. These signs and symbols all pointed back to how these zealous farmers of the Albemarle Sound wanted to observe and protect their religion and values.

Taking the Oath: The Extent of the Plot

It's difficult to be certain just how many people were involved in the Gourd Patch Conspiracy. Because of the system of regional senior wardens and recruiters, many members only knew the handful of fellow members with whom they'd been recruited. Even though John Lewelling is widely regarded as the leader of the plot, only nineteen members implicated him in the depositions that found their way to the archives. In contrast, Daniel Leggett, a senior warden for Bertie, implicated fifty four people in the plot (most of whom he swore into the society) but never named Lewelling, and may not have even been aware that he was the movement's founder.

Only some cells of the secret plot's network may have been uncovered by state authorities. When the plot was eventually discovered in July 1777, many members destroyed any evidence in an attempt to escape criminal charges. Further, the records for some counties may not have survived. Still, based on the extant historical records, it is possible to make some conclusions about the plot.

Only one membership list for the society survives--one from Daniel Leggett, a senior warden for Bertie. In it, he implicates fifty four individuals, most of whom are from Martin and Bertie Counties. A number of depositions survive which implicate men from Tyrrell and Pitt county as well. While some relevant sources suggest that the society also had supporters in nearby Edgecombe and Halifax Counties, no records exist which can prove that definitively. Below is a map outlining the possible extent of the movement:

Map of North Carolina, highlighting the counties circa 1777

Map outlining North Carolina's counties and military districts at the time of the Gourd Patch Conspiracy. Counties highlighted in orange contain at least one confirmed member of the plot. Counties highlighted in purple were suggested to contain conspirators, but no records survive to prove such a claim. Courtesy Linda Reeves, State Archives of North Carolina.

Moreover, some members of the plot claimed that its extent went far beyond the Albemarle Sound. James Hays, a Martin County farmer, supposedly "travelled some thousand Miles endeavouring to get as many people to [Associate] as possible." William Skiles reported that he had learned the movement first started in Virginia, and that it also had supporters near the Haw River west of Hillsborough and also in South Carolina. Leggett claimed that the society extended as far south as Georgia. No evidence has been located which supports the claims that the plot operated to this large of an extent, however.

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"To Keep Out Popery:" Origins of the Gourd Patch Conspiracy

Religion in Colonial North Carolina

A wide variety of Christian and Jewish people, including Quakers, Moravians, Baptists, and Catholics all called colonial North Carolina home. Despite this religious toleration, North Carolina, like all of the British Empire, only had one state-supported religion: Protestantism, and more specifically the Church of England, or Anglicanism.

In the colonial era, being Anglican, or at least Protestant, was a central part of British identity. British subjects, both at home and in the colonies, were united by the Book of Common Prayer, and by a conviction that their specific religious denomination was especially chosen by God.

British subjects felt that their Protestantism was what set them apart from their old enemies: France and Spain, both Catholic monarchies. Consequently, many British people not only celebrated their own religion, but also fervently opposed people who practiced anything different. For many people, to be British was to be Protestant. Britons believed they were among the only Europeans who were truly free, as they, unlike the Catholics in France and Spain, only answered to God rather than to the Pope.

A sense of animosity towards Catholics and the French more specifically was an undercurrent in British identity. Indeed Francophobia and anti-Catholicism was so strong that for many colonists, "no greater earthly enemy existed" than Catholic France.

St. Thomas Church, one of the oldest churches in North Carolina, now an Anglican congregation

St. Thomas Church in Bath, the oldest church building in North Carolina. Originally Anglican, it is now Episcopalian. Courtesy of NC Historic Sites.

British political cartoon depicting the struggle between protestantism and catholicism

Satirical print titled "Protestant & Liberty or the Overthrow of Popery & Tyranny," 1757. The print depicts Lady Justice, surrounded by Faith, Hope, Charity and Liberty. On the right, the devil and the pope attempt to weigh the scales of justice in their favor, but are unsuccessful. A metaphor for the triumph of good over evil, the print reinforces that attitude many Britons held that Protestantism and liberty were intertwined and both at odds with Catholicism. Courtesy of the British Museum.

When the American Revolution ignited and North Carolina became an independent state, religious North Carolinians found themselves lost. There was no longer a state religion, and now suddenly the state's elite spoke of a possible alliance with France and Spain, their oldest foes. Many colonists had learned every Sunday since their birth that their freedom as British subjects was constantly under threat from Catholics under the devil's influence. Now suddenly they heard that it was only through a Catholic alliance that Americans could truly be free. Such an abrupt change was hard for many of the Albemarle's farmers to accept. In contrast, it was easier to believe that a conspiracy was afoot, and that the revolutionary leadership was being led astray by evil Catholic schemers.

"To Keep Out Popery:" Origins of the Gourd Patch Conspiracy

Sometime in December 1776 or March 1777 after a meeting of militiamen in Martin County, John Lewelling approached James Rawlings looking for a favor. Lewelling was a prominent planter in Martin County and owned over 600 acres on the Conetoe Swamp. A religious man, he had served as a justice of the peace in the county and was well-known and regarded. On the way home from the muster call, he and his friend John Carter came to Rawlings seeking his blessing. Rawlings was a lay reader, or local religious leader for the Anglican Church, and Lewelling wanted his thoughts on one of the leading concerns of the day: the tension between revolution and faith. Since the Declaration of Independence, North Carolina had become spiritually unmoored from its traditional Protestant foundations. Suddenly French people were coming and settling in Edenton, and there were talks of a military alliance with Catholic France and Spain. These changes were alarming to devout farmers like Lewelling, and he concluded that he may have to take matters into his own hands. He told Rawlings:

The Country was like to become subject to Popery.

-Deposition of James Rawlings, 10 August 1777

The community needed to take a stand against these new threats to their Anglican way of life, and the state's leadership were not doing enough to uphold and protect their religious values. In fact, the new state constitution written in December 1776 stated that there was no longer an official religion. This new law, as Lewelling saw it, was only a sign of what was to come for the state's attempts to erode the importance of religion. Religious tolerance meant that Catholics would be welcomed into the state, and Lewelling was concerned. In response to these recent acts, Lewelling and Carter proposed creating a society which would promote and protect Protestant values under the new government. All members would need to swear an oath to join, and they'd pay dues for a lay reader, such as Rawlings, who could lead the society in religious services.

The society had humble, peaceful beginnings, but there was one thing that made it notable: it was a secret. Men could only join the society by invitation, and the group's activities were not discussed openly. After all, as Lewelling believed, there was a conspiracy of pro-Catholics and atheists afoot in the Albemarle Sound, so they'd need to keep their group a secret lest the anti-religion North Carolinians in power squash it. The extent and goals of Lewelling's society soon snowballed and it became a sort of conspiracy in its own right. Though never named by it's members, historians today call it the Lewelling Conspiracy, or the Gourd Patch Affair.

The first North Carolina State Constitution, written in 1776

North Carolina Constitution of 1776. While it said all office holders had to be Protestant, it also stated there was no longer an official state religion, which was controversial for Gourd Patch associators. Courtesy of State Archives of North Carolina.

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The Kirk-Holden War of 1870

In the summer of 1870, Governor William W. Holden and the reconstruction-era state government engaged in a police action—known informally as the Kirk-Holden War—against the Ku Klux Klan, a white supremacist terrorist group that had taken hold in North Carolina.

The Kirk-Holden War of 1870

 

Introduction

In the summer of 1870, Governor William W. Holden and the reconstruction-era state government engaged in a police action—known informally as the Kirk-Holden War—against the Ku Klux Klan, a white supremacist terrorist group that had taken hold in North Carolina.

 

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Photo of Governor Holden

The Kirk-Holden War by the Numbers

50

Individuals

Identified

17

Documents

Transcribed

14

William Woods Holden

Most Common Person Mentioned

A Declaration of Insurrection

The Kirk-Holden War transpired during the uncertain times following the Civil War, a volatile period known as the Reconstruction Era. From the ashes of the Confederacy rose a new threat known as the Ku Klux Klan, a white supremacist terrorist organization that sought to curtail Republican influence and Black suffrage through violence and intimidation. Growing Klan activity, in the counties of Alamance and Caswell particularly, forced Governor Holden into action.

The Way of War

As the Kirk-Holden War progressed, well-known guerrilla fighter George W. Kirk joined Governor Holden's campaign in June 1870. With men from the North Carolina militia under his command, Colonel Kirk set about arresting suspected Klan leaders. Federal troops, sent by President Ulysses S. Grant, helped deter violence and maintain order. 

Guilty as Charged

Governor Holden's zealous efforts to put down the Klan incurred the wrath of North Carolina Conservatives, who retaliated through the judicial system. What originally started as a crusade to punish vigilantes ultimately led to Governor Holden's political downfall.

Reflections on the Kirk-Holden War

While Governor Holden's campaign against the Ku Klux Klan ended with his impeachment, was it necessarily a failure? What can modern scholars and researchers learn from this episode in our state's history?

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The Diary of Margaret Eliza Cotten

Margaret Elizabeth Cotten (1835-1895) was a young woman who attended St. Mary's School in Raleigh prior to the Civil War. Her diary, now held by the State Archives of North Carolina, provides a unique view into her world.

The Diary of Margaret Eliza Cotten

Who is Margaret Elizabeth Cotten?

Margaret Elizabeth Cotten (1835-1895) was a young woman who attended St. Mary's School in Raleigh prior to the Civil War. The daughter of John Whitaker Cotten and Laura Placidia Cotten (née Clark), she was born into two prominent and influential high society families, which afforded her a variety of connections in North Carolina society. Her status provided her with both the money and the education that many women of the time did not receive, but these privileges came as the result of her family's enslavement of various people.

This diary provides a look at Margaret Eliza Cotten's life from October 1853 to July 1854, from age seventeen to eighteen, ending a year before her marriage to Joseph Adolphus Engelhard. Most of her entries record her daily activities, ranging from traveling up to St. Mary's School, to visiting Wilmington for Christmas, to interactions with various close friends and potential suitors.

My own watch I give to my daughter Margaret Eliza Cotton and to each of my children one of equal value when they grow up.

- Will of John Whitaker Cotten, 1845

Family Structures

Margaret Eliza Cotten was the eldest child of John Whitaker Cotten and Laura Placidia Cotten (née Clark), preceding three children born after her. When Cotten was ten years old, her father died in Florida, leaving behind his wife, three daughters, and his soon-to-be born son. He left his family under the guardianship of his brother and brothers-in-law, but not his wife. Seven years after his death, John Whitaker Cotten is not mentioned in Margaret's diary, but that does not mean his absence has not affected her. Outside of her mother and grandmother, Cotten seems distant from many members of her family. Without the guidance of a typical father figure, many decisions appear to be entirely her own.

Life of a Young Woman in Raleigh

Suitors, Courtship, and Marriage

For a young eligible woman of means, marriage was seen as a necessary step. By her eighteenth birthday, it was likely that getting married and finding a husband was a chief concern among Margaret's friend groups and family. Marriages among the elite in 1850s Raleigh could be for love, but could also be for money, stability, and patriarchal expectations. Margaret was not naive of these outcomes and stated herself that she hoped to never fall in love or marry, perhaps for personal reasons or in recognition of her own rights and privileges. Several close female family members, such as Maria Toole Haywood and Eliza Eagles Haywood, never married, and lived their lives single with the money to do so.

Marriage for Margaret would have meant losing a level of her own financial independence and having to submit to a man's authority. Losing her father at a young age undoubtedly shaped her family dynamic, and though she was placed under the guardianship of her uncles, she also gained independence other young women did not have. Her interactions with potential suitors, who accompanied her on walks and to parties, demonstrate that many were interested in her hand in marriage. In the spring of 1854, Margaret received a letter from someone she would not name, stating he was in love with her, with feelings she did not reciprocate. 

Records show that in late 1855, a little over a year after the end of her diary, Margaret married Joseph Adolphus Engelhard, with whom she was close friends with during the time of her diary. As no other diary from Margaret exists, we do not know how she felt about her wedding and eventual marriage. They would go on to have four children together and lived in North Carolina until Engelhard's death in 1879. She never remarried.

"Popping the Question" created by lithographer Sarony & Major circa 1846. Courtesy of the Library of Congress.

"The Marriage" created by lithographer Sarony & Major circa 1846. Courtesy of the Library of Congress.

  ... he wishes me to promise, that I will not marry before we meet again - it was not much to ask of me, for I never expect to be married, I do not feel fit to take that step, even if I were to do such a foolish thing, as to fall in love, but I hope to be "Fancy few, and heart whole" for a long time - for ever -

- Diary Entry from Margaret Eliza Cotten, 5 April 1854

On the Eve of War, Emancipation, and Reconstruction

"Mary Bryce (or Brice) of Point of Honor, Lynchburg, Virginia" circa 1853. Taken by photographer Peter E. Gibbs. Courtesy of the Library of Congress.

Taken from around the time Margaret Eliza Cotten's diary, this daguerreotype shows one woman who was enslaved during the 1850s.

 

 

Slavery and Emancipation in Raleigh

Through the wills of the Cotten family and Margaret's diary, it is evident that they enslaved around twenty people. Unfortunately, these individuals are often omitted from the narrative. The Cotten family's wealth could only be amassed through the exploitation of the enslaved, but in Cotten's diary, enslaved people's contributions and stories are pushed to the background. Unfortunately, in Margaret's mind, they are an afterthought in the record of her day-to-day activities, even though these enslaved individuals were what made her life possible.

In 1870 census records, several individuals mentioned in the diary can be found, then living free in Raleigh. Fountaine and Malvina by 1870 were living in the area and working for a wage. While their whole story cannot be told from just these census records, it demonstrates the newfound freedoms that enslaved people had following the Civil War and Emancipation. Both of them had taken on the last name "Cotten" or some variation of it, as was common for emancipated individuals to take on their former enslaver's name. Other individuals, such as Virgil, Davy, and Henrietta could not be located post-emancipation and may have moved or taken on other names.

Davy

"Davy brought Mollie's and my own daguerreotype, also a note from Mr Saunders"

- Diary Entry from Margaret Eliza Cotten, 12 November 1853

Fountaine Cotton

"It was too rainy for Fountain to go to the office - and oh! how I hope I will receive one"

- Diary Entry from Margaret Eliza Cotten, 11 July 1854

Henrietta

"Henrietta has just commenced fixing my hair for the night and I will devote the few moments before retiring to my journal."

- Diary Entry from Margaret Eliza Cotten, 11 July 1854

Virgil

"I give to my wife my carriage and carriage horses and Virgil for a Driver."

- Will of John Whitaker Cotten, 1845

Malvina Cotton

"Did not get home 'til nearly three—Malvina had me a nice supper of oysters all hot and nice, when I did come."

- Diary Entry from Margaret Eliza Cotten, 11 January 1854

Civil War and Reconstruction

By July 1854the end of Margaret's diarythe Civil War was fewer than seven years away. Many of the young men in her life would join various North Carolina regiments in the Confederacy. Her future husband, Joseph Engelhard, rose to the rank of major during the war. Some men, like Joseph Wright and James "Jimmie" Wright both died fighting for the Confederacy. It seems though, that most of the young men in Margaret's life did survive. After the war, Reconstruction began in North Carolina. For his strong Democratic beliefs, Engelhard was elected secretary of state and was re-elected in 1866. He also became editor of the Wilmington Journal, which by then had statewide circulation. Through both his role as editor and his position as secretary, he encouraged the reworking of the State Constitution to prevent African American men from entering local government and from receiving benefits from the federal government. Engelhard's close friend, William Saunders, was involved in the Ku Klux Klan and simultaneously worked with Engelhard on the Wilmington Journal. This shows just how North Carolina's elite families worked to maintain antebellum social hierarchy and the exploitation of the formerly enslaved in the South, long after the Civil War.

"Andrew Johnson's reconstruction and how it works" by Thomas Nast, from 1866. Courtesy of the Library of Congress.

This engraving shows President Johnson as Iago and an African-American veteran as the eponymous Othello. The snakes named "CSA" and "Copperhead" attacking another man show how Reconstruction would begin to fail in the South.

Conclusion

How Women are Remembered and How We Research the Past

Margaret Elizabeth Engelhard (née Cotten) died in January 1895, having outlived her husband by about sixteen years. Her obituary in the Raleigh News and Observer from February 1st of that year opens with the words: One of Raleigh's Best Known and Honored Women Passes Away. Little is said however, about her accomplishments or personality outside of her parentage, husband, and children. Noted, is her general unwillingness to leave Raleigh and to leave her husband's grave. It is possible that some of her fears about marriage were realized. With no other diary currently known, Margaret Eliza Cotten's diary from 1853-1854 is our main source that provides insight into her thoughts and perspectives. Often times, the sources from women are limited, and her diary in the North Carolina State Archives is a useful tool to look at Raleigh from the 1850s, but one of just a single perspective. 

 Tonight I commence in reality a journal of my thoughts, activities, saying, and feelings, and should any one read it they would read my heart -

- Diary Entry from Margaret Eliza Cotten, 1 October 1853

"Miss Rosabelle Engelhard" taken in Raleigh, circa 1890-1895. Courtesy of the North Carolina State Archives.

Though Margaret mentions having several daguerreotypes taken, none of these photos are known to survive. This photo is of Rosabelle Engelhard, her third child with Joseph Engelhard. She was partially named for Engelhard's sister, Rosa, and for Margaret's sister Arabella.

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The Gourd Patch Conspiracy

The Gourd Patch Affair, or the Lewelling Conspiracy, was a failed uprising against North Carolina's Patriot government in the summer of 1777. A group of Martin, Tyrrell, Pitt, and Bertie County farmers met in a pumpkin patch and crafted a secret plot. Their aim? Assassinate North Carolina's governor, overthrow the state government, and protect the Protestant religion.

The Gourd Patch Conspiracy

 

 

The Gourd Patch Affair, or the Lewelling Conspiracy, was a failed uprising against North Carolina's Patriot government in the summer of 1777. A group of Martin, Tyrrell, Pitt, and Bertie County farmers met in a pumpkin patch and crafted a secret plot. Their aim? Assassinate North Carolina's governor, overthrow the state government, and protect the Protestant religion.

 

In the end their plot was discovered and the ring's leader, John Lewelling, was the first man ever granted clemency by the State of North Carolina.

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A field full of pumpkins

The Gourd Patch by the Numbers

1254

North Carolinians

Identified

167

Documents

Transcribed

42

Daniel Leggett

Most Common Person Mentioned

 

"To Keep Out Popery:" Origins of the Gourd Patch Conspiracy

The Gourd Patch Conspiracy began as a religious organization dedicated to the ideals of preserving Protestantism, something Albemarle farmers thought their new patriot leaders were trying to attack.

 

"Sign of a Secret:" Recruiting to the Plot

The Gourd Patch Conspiracy's leadership used a variety of secret codes and signs to identify one another and convince more men to join their movement.

 

Gunpowder, Treason, & Plot: First Arrests

As membership grew, Lewelling and others formed a more radical plan. They planned to seize ammunition and assassinate the governor in Halifax, but it was not long before their secret got out.

 

Fight or Flight

When the State Government discovered the conspiracy, the group's leadership was faced with the choice of continuing the fight, or trying to flee from authorities to avoid punishment.

 

The Gourd Patch Conspirators on Trial

After the conspiracy's leading members were arrested, they were tried in the Edenton District Court of Oyer and Terminer. State officials had to decide: what was the cost of treason?

 

Aftermaths & Legacies of the Gourd Patch Conspiracy

What happened to the former members of the Gourd Patch Conspiracy? And what lessons did the state learn from John Lewelling's attempt?

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The Papers of Arthur Dobbs: A Colonial Records Digital Edition

Arthur Dobbs (1689-1765) served as the Royal Governor of the North Carolina Colony from 1754-64. An Irishman by birth, Dobbs saw his adopted home through a period of immense upheaval. His term is marked by the French and Indian War, colonists' changing relations with American Indians, and Dobbs' frequent disagreements with the North Carolina Colonial Assembly.

The Papers of Arthur Dobbs

A Colonial Records Digital Edition

Introduction

Arthur Dobbs (1689-1765) served as the Royal Governor of the North Carolina Colony from 1754-64. An Irishman by birth, Dobbs saw his adopted home through a period of immense upheaval. His term is marked by the French and Indian War, colonists' changing relations with American Indians, and Dobbs' frequent disagreements with the North Carolina Colonial Assembly.

 

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Dobbs by the Numbers

53

Board of Trade

Dobbs' Most Common Recipient

615

Documents

Transcribed

303

King George II

Most Common Person Mentioned

The North Carolina-South Carolina Boundary

One of Governor Dobbs' major goals was settling the boundary between North and South Carolina.

As Dobbs arrived in the colony, he soon found that as white settlers moved onto lands in the western parts of North Carolina & South Carolina, they had frequent disagreements with the American Indians living there, and with one another another.

Dobbs claimed that the South Carolina government was secretly trying to take North Carolina land for themselves by issuing faulty land grants and called the SC land agents and sheriffs an "invasive force."

The disputed boundary also ran through Catawba and Cherokee lands. While South Carolina wanted to give those nations a 30-mile radius around their lands, Dobbs only wanted to grant them a 6 sq. mile area instead so that North Carolina planters would have more space.

In the end, Dobbs traveled to Augusta, GA in 1763, where he met with several southern governors and leaders from the Creek, Cherokee, Chickasaw, Choctaw, and Catawba Nations. There they settled the disputed portion of the boundary, granting the Catawba a 15 sq. mile area.

Surveyors established a new western portion of the NC-SC boundary in 1764, but it wasn't until 2013 that the full boundary was finally settled.

Picture of the survey stones marking the boundary between North and South Carolina, courtesy of the NC Geodetic Survey.

Map of the Catawba Nation

Map of the boundary between North Carolina and South Carolina, indicating how the boundary went around the Catawba Nation.

The French and Indian War & the North Carolina General Assembly

Governor Dobbs' arrival in North Carolina coincided with the beginning of the French and Indian War in 1754 when the British learned that French fur traders were moving into a region of the Ohio Valley that England had claimed.

Dobbs recruited a group of North Carolinians to go on a military expedition under General Braddock to attack the French in the Ohio Valley. He sent the colony's recruits under the command of his son, Captain Edward Brice Dobbs.

French troops and their American Indian allies ambushed the British expedition at the Battle of Monongahela in July 1755, killing General Edward Braddock and igniting a large-scale war.

In response to the threat of a coming war, Governor Dobbs ordered the establishment of a fort on the colony's western frontier (now Statesville) called Ft. Dobbs, which is now a state historic site.

While there were never any major battles in North Carolina, Governor Dobbs often found himself at odds with the North Carolina Colonial Assembly about how many men they should recruit for the war effort and how the colony could pay them each year.

Picture of the modern reconstruction of Fort Dobbs

Picture of the modern reconstruction of Fort Dobbs, courtesy NC State Historic Sites.

I Spoke to... the house... but found them so crusty in granting any money for public services.

-Letter from Arthur Dobbs to James Ambercromby, 28 December 1757

In response to the King's demands for troops the Assembly questioned Dobbs, asking why should North Carolina raise troops to fight outside of the colony when they needed better security along their own frontiers? Moreover, troops were expensive and the assembly feared that they could pay the militia with costs for everything rising due to the war.

This tension between the assembly and Dobbs was major obstacle for the governor. In writing about the assembly, Dobbs often mentioned his "strong struggle" with them, how the representatives were "as obstinate as mules." He found some members "unreasonable and indecent" and even tried to have several colonial officers' dismissal for supposed misconduct, including John Rutherfurd and John Starkey.

Dobbs' term saw the colony through the rest of the French and Indian War, which ended in 1763. For North Carolina, the war had meant an economic downturn, frequent skirmished between western settlers and the Cherokee people, and partisan fighting between Dobbs and the Assembly. In the end, these struggles would contribute to the coming American Revolution.

Map of New Bern

Map of New Bern, North Carolina, where the North Carolina Colonial Assembly frequently met.

John Dalrymple

One of the most notable military commissions that Governor Dobbs granted was to John Dalrymple as the Commander of Fort Johnston on the Cape Fear River.

Sometime prior to 1760, Dalrymple left his post and went to England without asking for Dobbs' approval, leaving the fort without a commander in wartime.

Dalrymple tried to come back to his post in 1762 and Dobbs ordered him under arrest for deserting his post. Dalrymple was a "Reptile," with "ill Character" Dobbs wrote, and claimed General Braddock had once said:

He wod. not trust him with building a Hog sty, and the best thing I Cou'd Do, wod. be to hang him upon the first Tree I Cou'd Find.

-Edward Braddock on John Dalrymple, in Letter from Arthur Dobbs to Jeffery Amherst, 29 September 1762

Diagram of Fort Johnston

Diagram of Fort Johnston, where Dalrymple assumed command and was later imprisoned

While Jeffery Amherst, the Commander of all British forces in North America figured out what to do with him, Dalrymple stayed under arrest at Fort Johnston.

In February 1763, while under confinement, Dalrymple asked Michael Sissholt, the fort's new commanding officer, to come in his room and drink some punch with him. When Sissholt agreed, Dalrymple trapped him in the room and challenged him him to a duel, offering him a sword or a stick and proclaiming that either he or Sissholt "should die on the Spot."

Sissholt avoided the fight, but Dalrymple continued to be combative. That summer, while still under arrest, Dalrymple shot at the fort's new commanding officer, John Paine, through the window of his room.

By September, Dobbs ordered him to leave the fort and go under house arrest. Instead, Dalrymple left North Carolina altogether and went to New York, where Dobbs never heard from him again.

Personal Life

Gentleman Scientist

In his spare time, Arthur Dobbs enjoyed gardening, botany, and the natural sciences.

He explored the colony's countryside extensively and wrote several reports about his observations of North Carolina waterways, geography, climate, and soil.

In 1759, Dobbs made the first known European observation of the Venus Flytrap, a plant unique to the Carolina Coast, which Dobbs called a "Catch Fly Sensitive which Closes upon any thing that touches it."

Due in part to Dobbs' discovery, the flytrap is now the official carnivorous plant of North Carolina.

Drawing of the Venus Flytrap plant

Drawing of the Venus Flytrap plant by John Ellis, (1770), courtesy Biodiversity Heritage Library

Husband

Dobbs, who had been widowed prior to his arrival in North Carolina, remarried in 1762 at Brunswick Town to Justina Davis, aged 15. She was 58 years his junior.

Despite the age difference, surviving letters about & from Justina indicate that the pair shared a mutual affection and upon his death, she wrote, "I have Lost one of the best and tenderest of Husbands."

After the Governor's death in 1765, Justina married Abner Nash, 2nd Governor of the State of North Carolina. She died in 1771 at age 26.

Photo of Justina Dobbs' gravestone

Justina Dobbs Nash's gravestone in the Halifax Colonial Cemetery, courtesy Historic Halifax

Nearing the American Revolution

Later photograph of the shipyard at Wilmington, where much of the colony's trade went through, courtesy State Archives of North Carolina

Art from a November 20, 1765 issue of the North Carolina Gazette protesting the Stamp Act, courtesy State Archives of North Carolina

Arthur Dobbs was a firm supporter of the King, but some issues he faced during his term were signs of the eventual American Revolution which would come a decade later.

Dobbs frequently found fault with colonial trade laws, which required British colonies to trade with England only, but not with one another. This law helped the English economy, but it made it hard for North Carolina's economy to develop. Dobbs urged the King to allow direct trade between NC and Ireland, but was refused.

Dobbs wasn't the only one frustrated. Many colonists grew increasingly upset about having to export their raw materials cheaply and in return having to buy manufactured good from Britain at high prices.

This trading system was by design, as it enriched England and kept colonies dependent, but colonists' feelings of exploitation in response to this system would be a factor in colonists' deciding to declare independence.

Another major sign of the coming revolution was one of the last acts that happened during Dobbs' administration: the Stamp Act.

Designed to help the British Treasury regain the money it lost fighting the Seven Years War, many colonists, including many in North Carolina, denounced the act as intolerable because they had not consented to the law.

Dobbs frequently fought with the Assembly about who had to right to make laws for the colony, was it the king or the people? Now, the Stamp Act Crisis heightened tensions between the Crown and the local Colonial government, putting colonists on a path towards revolution.

Conclusions

Citing poor health and a wish to settle his affairs back at home in Ireland, Dobbs was granted a temporary leave of absence from the governorship in May 1764.

Dobbs' replacement was William Tryon, who arrived in the colony in October 1764.

In March 1765 while preparing to leave the colony, Dobbs caught a cold and died, aged 75.

Dobbs was buried in St. Phillip's Church at Brunswick Town, not far from his home, survived by his wife Justina. Tryon assumed permanent governorship of the colony.

Exterior of St. Phillip's Church in Brunswick Town

Exterior of St. Phillip's Church in Brunswick Town, where Dobbs is buried, courtesy State Archives of North Carolina

Explore the Papers of Arthur Dobbs

The War Governor: Thomas W. Bickett, 1917-1921

Thomas W. Bickett served as governor of North Carolina from 1917 to 1921. Browse this exhibit to learn more about his time in office and to view his official papers.

The War Governor: Thomas W. Bickett, 1917-1921

Introduction

The Administration of Governor Thomas W. Bickett

In the late morning hours of January 6, 1921, Thomas W. Bickett peeled himself from the comfort of his bed and dressed for his final trip as governor from the Executive Mansion to the State Capitol. Shortly before noon, he took his place at the dais in the House chamber, and in a booming, determined voice greeted the “Lady and Gentlemen of the General Assembly.” Members of the press took note of his drastic change in appearance. In the course of the four years of his administration, Bickett's hair had conspicuously transformed from a healthy salt and pepper to a stark white. He didn’t look frail or fragile, per se, but just substantially older than the spry man who first arrived for inauguration four Januaries prior. Perhaps it was the illness he was then fighting. Or perhaps the trying years of World War I had ground him up a bit.

Bickett had, after all, put in place the administrative machinery that sent more than 2,300 men to their wartime deaths. Thousands more returned to North Carolina “shell shocked” and struggled to rejoin their communities. These sacrifices were not lost on Bickett, the son of one Confederate veteran, the son-in-law of another. Though he had publicly lauded the state’s role in the world war, Bickett's personal thoughts about his own public service during that same time might never be known. No historian or archivist has yet managed to turn up a journal or even much in the way of personal correspondence that might provide some insight into Bickett’s intimate feelings on the matter.

Governor Thomas W. Bickett, circa 1921. Courtesy State Archives of North Carolina.

Governor Thomas W. Bickett and his wife Fannie Yarborough Bickett on the last day of his administration, January 6, 1921. Courtesy State Archives of North Carolina.

Other issues, too, had each taken their pound of flesh. Lock outs and strikes ground manufacturing to a halt, the confrontations between capital and labor often turning violent. White North Carolinians continued their campaign of racial terror, lynching seven Black men—including a war veteran in uniform—and garnering national criticism of both the state and its chief executive. The influenza pandemic of 1918–1919 claimed the lives of an estimated 13,000 state citizens, leaving not a single community unscathed. The movement for women’s suffrage advanced rapidly, galvanized by the war’s societal restructuring, threatening to split his party in two. Nothing had come easy for Bickett, who, by the end of his term, seemed to wear the stress of it all like a wet wool cloak he could not shake from his shoulders.

Nevertheless, there he stood, one last time, before the legislature—noticeably older and quietly ill. Looking out over the gathered assembly, which for the first time included a woman, Bickett made known his lack of interest in celebrating his own accomplishments. “I do not propose to review my own administration,” he declared to the hushed crowd. “What is written is written, and will, in the fullness of time, be fairly appraised by the calm judgment of history.” For the Monroe-schoolboy-turned-Louisburg-lawyer, it was important that humility, above all else, characterize the closing chapter of his political career.

He could not have known then, standing there, a little tired, a little sick, that he would return to the Capitol just eleven months later—to lie in state. Any hope that he might run for United States Senate or any political office beyond that of the governorship had officially come to an end when Bickett breathed his last, shortly after Christmas Day, 1921. At once the champion of betterment for the people of North Carolina and also the defender of well-entrenched societal norms governing race, class, and sex, Bickett leaves behind him a complicated legacy that blurs the line between progressivism and conservatism. What results, for modern scholars of Bickett’s administration, is a unique and at times confounding convergence of old south and new, tradition and modernity, progress and stagnation.

I do not propose to review my own administration. What is written is written, and will, in the fullness of time, be fairly appraised by the calm judgment of history.

Gov. Thomas W. Bickett in his farewell address to the General Assembly.

By the Numbers

1072

People

Identified

1128

Documents

Transcribed

33

J. J. Laughinghouse

Most Mentioned Person

Explore the Bickett Papers

Project Mercury

Project Mercury

Mercury-Redstone 3, carrying astronaut Alan B. Shepard and his capsule Freedom 7, launched on May 5, 1961. Courtesy NASA.

America’s first man-in-space program ran from 1958 to 1963 and was known as Project Mercury.

Through Mercury, NASA sought to achieve three objectives: to successfully orbit a manned spacecraft, to study man's ability to function in space, and to return both man and spacecraft safely back to earth.

The Mercury program culminated in six successful “manned” missions. Some of Mercury's earliest testing, however, was completed by one unlikely astronaut with ties to the Tar Heel State.

Ham, the Astrochimp

On January 31, 1961, an African-born chimpanzee named Ham successfully completed a 16-minute, 39-second suborbital flight. Traveling close to eight times the speed of sound (more than 6,000 miles per hour), Ham reached an altitude of 157 miles above the Earth’s surface.

In those sixteen minutes, Ham completed a series of simple tasks, manipulating levers, switches, and knobs in a certain order, proving that fine motor tasks could be completed at all stages of spaceflight, from launch to landing. His success demonstrated that manned space flight could be safely accomplished; three months later, Alan B. Shepard Jr. followed him into space. 

In 1963, Ham was transferred to the National Zoo in Washington, DC, where he lived in relative isolation for seventeen years. Noting his loneliness, advocates arranged for Ham to relocate to the North Carolina Zoo in 1980 where he lived out the rest of his life surrounded by fellow chimpanzees. He died two years later, a national hero.

NASA tested the Mercury-Redstone system with a chimpanzee named Ham before sending Alan B. Shepard into suborbital flight. Courtesy NASA. 

On January 21, 1961, Ham climbed into his specially-made primate capsule and was loaded into the larger Mercury capsule. Courtesy NASA.

Perched atop a Redstone rocket, Ham took his first and last spaceflight on January 21, 1961. Courtesy NASA.

Commander Ralph A. Brackett, of Gastonia, welcomes Ham aboard the recovery ship USS Donner following the successful flight of Mercury-Redstone 2. Though he was recovered in good condition, Ham experienced an alarming amount of distress during the course of the flight. Courtesy NASA.

Ham and a handler review gear and equipment ahead of the Mercury-Redstone 2 launch. Courtesy NASA.

Ham's Mercury-Redstone 2 flight carried him to a height of 157 miles above the Earth's surface. From this altitude, the curvature of the Earth and the darkness of space were both visible from the window of Ham's spacecraft. Courtesy NASA.

After splashdown, Ham's capsule was retrieved by Marine Corps helicopter pilots and carried to the deck of the USS Donner, where recovery personnel set about removing the capsule hatch. Courtesy NASA.

Photograph of George Cox, marine pilot

George Cox, of Newport, North Carolina, assisted in the recoveries of astronauts Alan Shepard and Virgil "Gus" Grissom. Courtesy George F. Cox.

Early Capsule Recovery

Aviators from helicopter squadron HMR-262 stationed at the Marine Corps Air Station New River in Jacksonville, North Carolina, were crucial in developing early recovery procedures for Project Mercury. Pilot Wayne Koons, of Kansas, and co-pilot George Cox, a long-time resident of Newport, North Carolina, drew national attention for recovering astronaut Alan B. Shepard Jr. and his spacecraft Freedom 7, during Mercury-Redstone 3. Their experiences informed recovery planning up through the end of Project Apollo.

Helicopter 44, of Marine Corps squadron HMR-262, served as the primary recovery vehicle for Mercury-Redstone 3. Newport resident George Cox can be seen in the cargo opening. Shepard and his capsule, Freedom 7, hang tethered below the craft. Courtesy NASA.

Eleven minutes after splashdown, Wayne Koons and George Cox moved in to recover Freedom 7 and astronaut Alan B. Shepard. Here, Cox winches up Shepard, as the Freedom 7 capsule hangs below. Courtesy NASA.

Letter from Alan Shepard to Wayne Koons and George Cox, 26 May 1961

This letter from astronaut Alan B. Shepard to pilots Wayne Koons and George Cox thanks them for their "prompt and efficient service" during the recovery efforts of Mercury-Redstone 3. Courtesy George F. Cox.

During the recovery of Mercury-Redstone 4, the hatch of astronaut Virgil "Gus" Grissom's Liberty Bell 7 capsule jettisoned prematurely. Water poured into the capsule as Grissom made a desperate escape. Helicopter 32, of HMR-262, managed to hook the capsule and attempted to pull it out of the water. Water can be seen pouring from the hatch opening in this photo. Courtesy NASA.

George Cox's helicopter, number 30, flew in to rescue a drowning Grissom, whose suit had filled with water. As co-pilot on the mission, Cox operated the winch that pulled Grissom to safety. Courtesy NASA.

James L. Lewis, pilot of helicopter 32, was forced to cut the flooded Liberty Bell 7 loose when an alarm sounded. The capsule sank three miles to the ocean floor and remained there until it was recovered by salvage experts in 1999. The recovered capsule is pictured here following the salvage operation on July 21, 1999. Courtesy NASA.

The historic film above shows the recovery operations of helicopter 44, of HMR-262, following the successful flight of astronaut Alan B. Shepard and Freedom 7. North Carolinian George Cox can be seen operating the winch during the recovery and welcoming Shepard aboard the deck of the USS Lake Champlain. Courtesy NASA.

Portrait of Samuel Beddingfield

Official portrait of Samuel Beddingfield, taken June 18, 1963. Courtesy Nan Lafferty.

Engineering Mercury

Clayton native Samuel Beddingfield joined NASA as an engineer in 1959, becoming one of only thirty-three agency employees assigned to Cape Canaveral, Florida, at that time. During Mercury, Beddingfield oversaw mechanical and pyrotechnic operations, including the deployment and jettisoning systems for landing parachutes and capsule escape hatches. He concluded a twenty-six-year-career with NASA in 1985, when he retired from the agency as the deputy director of the space shuttle program at Kennedy Space Center.

technicians install and check rockets on a spacecraft

During Mercury, a large part of Beddingfield's responsibilities included ensuring proper weight and balance of the capsule. Here, he can be seen installing rockets (seated on crate, right), alongside several colleagues, during the weight and balance process ahead of Mercury-Atlas 1 on July 25, 1960. Courtesy Nan Beddingfield.

Sam Beddingfield, Gus Grissom, and two other men talk near a rocket on a launchpad

Beddingfield and Gus Grissom had been good friends ever since their days at Wright Patterson Air Force Base. Beddingfield, far left, talks with two unidentified colleagues and astronaut Gus Grissom, far right, ahead of the Mercury-Redstone 4 flight. The Redstone rocket that carried Grissom into suborbital flight can be seen in the background. Courtesy Nan Lafferty.

Following the successful flight of Mercury-Atlas 6, Beddingfield (crouched beneath capsule, holding book) and colleagues inspected the Friendship 7 capsule. Courtesy NASA.

On February 20, 1962, Beddingfield (far left) presented the graphic design work for Friendship 7 to astronaut John Glenn (center) ahead of America's first orbital flight. Courtesy NASA.

three men adjusting weight and balance of astronaut

Beddingfield, right, and two other engineers run through the weight and balance process with astronaut Walter Schirra on July 7, 1965, ahead of his Mercury-Atlas 8 flight. Courtesy Nan Lafferty.

Sam Beddingfield observing rocket equipment

In the white room on Pad 19, Beddingfield observes the "hard mate" of Gemini-Titan 3 on February 17, 1965. Courtesy Nan Lafferty

Scientists inspecting parachute material for Gemini mission

Beddingfield and another man inspect parachutes for a Gemini flight on September 19, 1966. Courtesy Nan Lafferty.

Apollo capsule during disassembly

The most trying time of Beddingfield's career came in 1967, when fire erupted inside the Apollo 1 capsule, claiming the lives of Ed White, Roger Chaffee, and Gus Grissom. In a 1983 interview, Beddingfield reflected briefly on the accident, his grief over the loss of his good friend Grissom still palpable: "That was the most traumatic thing for me. At that time, I was responsible for the emergency egress." Following the accident, Beddingfield was charged with overseeing the disassembly and storage of the capsule, a job that took six months. Courtesy Nan Lafferty.

Letter from July 15, 1969
Letter to Beth Beddingfield, 27 March 1980

North Carolina and the Space Race

Learn about the various contributions of North Carolina scientists, engineers, pilots, and more to Projects Mercury, Gemini, and Apollo. Trace the influences of this golden age of the American space program on future generations of Tar Heel space explorers.

North Carolina and the Space Race

On October 4, 1957, the Soviet Union successfully launched the world’s first satellite, a beach-ball–sized metal sphere called Sputnik.

During its three-week orbit, the satellite both captivated and terrified the American public. In response, the United States organized a new government agency—the National Aeronautics and Space Administration, or NASA—and tasked it with researching flight inside and outside the Earth’s atmosphere. The space race had officially begun.

When NASA put out the call for talented engineers, mathematicians, scientists, and more, North Carolinians—many of whom had received their training at hallowed state institutions like UNC Chapel Hill, North Carolina State University, and UNC Greensboro—came forward in droves. They moved, sometimes far from their families and hometowns, to NASA facilities in Texas, Florida, and Virginia with one unifying goal in mind: to put a man on the Moon.

 

Project Mercury

America’s first man-in-space program ran from 1958 to 1963 and was known as Project Mercury. 

 

 

Project Gemini

Project Gemini demonstrated man's ability to live and work in space for extended periods of time.

 

 

Project Apollo

NASA’s ultimate goal—to put a man on the Moon and return him safely to Earth—was achieved during Project Apollo.

 

 

Beyond Apollo

With the arrival of the space shuttle program, North Carolinians finally started seeing their own among the high-profile astronaut crews, a trend that continues to this day.

 

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