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Project Gemini

Project Gemini

A highlight of the Gemini program was the successful space walk of astronaut Edward H. White II on June 3, 1965. Courtesy NASA.

NASA’s second phase of space exploration was called Project Gemini. Gemini’s ten manned missions flew in 1965 and 1966, successfully demonstrating man’s ability to live and work in space for extended periods of time.

Primary aspects of the Gemini program included the implementation of spacecraft built for teams of two astronauts, the development of safer reentry and splashdown procedures, the introduction of maneuverability options to spacecraft, and the advent of “extravehicular activities,” or walking in space.

Upon Gemini’s completion, astronauts and support staff were well prepared for the grueling six- to twelve-day missions of the Apollo program.

Rogallo Wing

In the early stages of Gemini, NASA engineers developed an alternative to the parachute landing “splashdown” method that had been used with Mercury spacecraft. One of their options was a kite-like parawing, the creation of long-time Outer Banks residents Francis and Gertrude Rogallo.

The Rogallos’ parawing would have allowed astronauts to steer the Gemini capsule back to Earth’s surface and land it much like any other aircraft. Testing proved the concept, but engineers ultimately opted to retain the parachute landing system. While the Rogallos had missed an opportunity for space fame, their flexible-wing technology revolutionized the sport of hang gliding and remains in use to this day.

Photograph of Francis and Gertrude Rogallo

Long-time Outer Banks residents Francis and Gertrude Rogallo patented their wing design in 1951. Courtesy NASA.

Photograph of the rogallo wing parachute holding up a space capsule

Development of the Rogallos' parawing, or paraglider, concept for application during the Gemini program received authorization in 1961. This photograph, taken during a drop test, shows the deployed paraglider with a Gemini boilerplate, or practice, capsule. Courtesy of the Outer Banks History Center, State Archives of North Carolina.

Artist's concept art of how a rogallo wing might be used to help a spacecraft land safely

The primary goal of the parawing was to provide astronauts with a controllable landing system. As shown in this illustration by Paul Meltzer, the parawing would have allowed astronauts to make a controlled descent in order to land the capsule on land. Though testing proved the concept was reliable, several factors, including waning funding and intellectual support, prevented the wing's integration into the Gemini and Apollo programs. Courtesy National Geographic Image Collection.

NASA scientist testing the rogallo wing

As a NASA engineer, Francis Rogallo lobbied for the wing to replace the parachute landing system used during Project Mercury. NASA pursued the idea during the developmental years of the Gemini program. Here, a NASA technician assists in the testing of the Rogallos' design in 1965 at the Langley Research Center in Virginia. Courtesy of the Outer Banks History Center, State Archives of North Carolina.

Photo of a man flying in the air over a sand dune using a glider
Rosman tracking station building complex in the North Carolina mountains

Aerial view of the tracking station's campus around 1981, when the facility was transferred to the Department of Defense. Courtesy of Rowell Bosse North Carolina Room, Transylvania County Library.

Rosman Tracking Station

In 1963, NASA opened a Satellite Tracking and Data Acquisition facility on the edge of Pisgah National Forest near Rosman (Transylvania County). The chosen site exhibited several important qualities: it was government-owned, had an absence of light pollution, and was free of electromagnetic interference.

The base at Rosman, one of twenty-three located around the world, served as the primary east-coast tracking station for satellites and manned spacecraft. The base consisted of two dish-shaped antennas—one measuring an astonishing eighty-five feet wide—that sent and received commands, scientific data, and location information.

photo of a large satellite at the rosman tracking station

Photograph of the construction of the eighty-five-foot-wide dish, or ear, that "listened" for signals from manned and unmanned spacecraft at Rosman. Courtesy of Rowell Bosse North Carolina Room, Transylvania County Library.

photo of a large satellite dish and a building at the rosman tracking station

View of construction underway on the tracking station in Rosman, around 1963. Courtesy of Rowell Bosse North Carolina Room, Transylvania County Library.

Agena Launch Director

A key goal of the Gemini program was to successfully dock a crew capsule with another spacecraft while in orbit, a skill that would have to be tested and perfected before the space program could take on the Apollo missions. Gemini astronauts practiced the maneuver using an unmanned spacecraft called the Agena Target Vehicle. The two vehicles required separate, but perfectly timed, launches from Cape Canaveral. Any minor delay on the ground impacted the ability of the two crafts to rendezvous in space.

The high-stress environment didn’t deter Lt. Col. LeDewey “Jack” Allen of the Air Force’s 6555th Aerospace Test Wing. From 1963 to 1967, the Alamance County native served as commander of the SLV-3 Division, an assignment that also made him the launch director for seven Agena Target Vehicle launches in 1965 and 1966. Working in tandem with colleague and Gemini launch director Lt. Col. John G. Albert, Allen was responsible for running final checks on the Agena and its Atlas booster before giving the “go, no-go” status to NASA’s deputy director of launch operations.

From Launch Complex 14, Lt. Col. Allen was responsible for overseeing the launch status of the Agena Target Vehicle, or ATV. The ATV was launched into orbit by an Atlas rocket, as shown here. This ATV was launched on March 16, 1966, for the Gemini 8 flight. Courtesy NASA.

NASA officials conducted a docking exercise of the cylindrical Agena Target Vehicle, left, and the Gemini 6 space capsule, right, at the Boresite Range Tower in August 1965. Courtesy NASA.

The ATV in orbit is shown here in November 1966. The photograph was taken from the Gemini 12 spacecraft from about fifty feet away. Courtesy NASA.

Photograph of the 6555th Aerospace Test Wing launch complex

A view of some of the infrastructure of Launch Complex 14, from which the Agena Target Vehicle was launched. The unidentified man is pointing to a visual representation of all the successful launches from the complex. From Mark C. Cleary, The 6555th: Missile and Space Launches Through 1970, 45th Space Wing History Office.

Reflections of the Kirk-Holden War

Reflections on the Kirk-Holden War

In the time since Governor William Woods Holden's impeachment, many historians have argued that his crusade against the Ku Klux Klan was a failure. Politically speaking, it was. The arrest of Josiah Turner, Jr.—whether ordered by Holden personally or not—turned the tide of public opinion decidedly away from the Republicans, resulting in Conservative dominance in the August 1870 election. The new Conservative majority in the legislature wasted no time in exercising the immense powers handed them by voters, removing Holden from office and forever ending his political career. Early Reconstruction gains, so recently won and tenuously preserved, faltered under the strain of the backlash. By the end of the whole affair, the dream of an interracial democracy in North Carolina lay in serious doubt.

Despite the political costs, however, when examining the effectiveness of Governor Holden's anti-Klan operation itself, the evidence shows that it was moderately successful. Klan activity in Caswell and Alamance counties, and in the greater Piedmont region generally, decreased significantly. Colonel George W. Kirk's men arrested around 100 suspected Klan members for committing crimes such as murder and other violent acts of intimidation. 

Contrary to Conservative reports, Kirk's forces had accomplished this feat without a single life lost on either side of the fray. The majority of Kirk's prisoners testified that they had received fair treatment. And though Holden had been officially barred from holding office in North Carolina, he remained a significant influence in Republican Party politics in the state capital up through the early 1880s. 

As Holden's life neared its end, the desire to clear his record on the Klan affair grew. Many friends put forth requests for a pardon for Holden from the legislature, but when the issue was threatened with a floor debate, Holden withdrew the request as he did not wish to agitate those who had closed that chapter. In his waning years, Holden appealed to the legislature, requesting a restoration of his political rights. Holden argued that what he did during the anti-Klan campaign he did with the "best and highest interests of the State." He closed the widely-published card passionately affirming to be true what many state citizens had long doubted:

"I am not a party man. Both parties have disowned me. I appeal to you solely on the ground of justice. I have never been an enemy to the State. On the contrary, I have loved her well, and do now, and am her loyal son, though proscribed and banned."

Photograph of Governor William W. Holden. Courtesy of the State Archives of North Carolina.

Additional Readings on the Kirk-Holden War and Reconstruction

Bradley, Mark L. Bluecoats & Tar Heels: Soldiers and Civilians in Reconstruction North Carolina. Lexington, KY: University Press of Kentucky, 2011.

Brisson, Jim D. "'Civil Government Was Crumbling Around Me': The Kirk-Holden War of 1870." The North Carolina Historical Review 88, no. 2 (2011): 123–63.

Folk, Edgar E. and Bynum Shaw. W. W. Holden: A Political Biography. Winston-Salem, NC: John F. Blair, Publisher, 1982.

Foner, Eric. Reconstruction: America's Unfinished Revolution, 18631877. New York: Harper & Row, Publishers, 1988.

Harris, William C. "W.W. Holden: In Search of Vindication." The North Carolina Historical Review 59, no. 4 (1982): 370-1.

Harris, William C. William Woods Holden: Firebrand of North Carolina Politics. Baton Rouge and London: Louisiana State University Press, 1987.

Holden, William Woods. Governors' Papers. State Archives of North Carolina.

McGuire, Samuel B. "'Rally Union Men in Defence of your State!': Appalachian Militiamen in the Kirk-Holden War, 1870." Appalachian Journal 39, no. 3/4 (2012): 294323.  

Raper, Horace W. William W. Holden: North Carolina's Political Enigma. Chapel Hill, NC: The University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill and London, 1985.

Trelease, Allen W. White Terror: The Ku Klux Klan Conspiracy And Southern Reconstruction. Baton Rouge, LA: Louisiana State University Press, 1971. 

Troxler, Carole Watterson. "'To Look More Closely at the Man': Wyatt Outlaw, a Nexus of National, Local, and Personal History." The North Carolina Historical Review 77, no. 4 (2000): 403–33.

Walder, Christopher. "Civil War and Reconstruction." In A History in Documents: Lynching in America, 95114. New York: New York University Press, 2006.

Guilty as Charged

Guilty as Charged

The Ku Klux Klan wasn't the only enemy Governor William Woods Holden had to fight. Conservative newspapers, in particular The Daily Sentinel edited by former Whig politician Josiah Turner Jr., exaggerated or fabricated stories about alleged outrages committed by Holden's soldiers. In one such story, Turner's Sentinel accused Colonel George B. Bergen of repeatedly hanging a man named William B. Patton to coerce a confession of Klan affiliations. Though Patton did confess to being a Klan member, he later denied the allegation of being tortured by Bergen.

In addition to the media, Governor Holden had to deal with an occasional lack of discipline from his own militia. In one such case in July of 1870, one of Colonel George W. Kirk's lieutenants was patrolling past the Mansion House hotel in Salisbury when his pistol accidentally discharged. Confused by the sudden gunfire, the men under his command opened fire on the hotel and pointed their weapons at patrons who were just eating breakfast. No one was injured, but the episode, alongside the propaganda war waged by Conservative press, began to incite public animus for Holden's anti-Klan campaign.  

However, the arrest of Josiah Turner by Holden's men served to turn the governor's allies, and the state, against him. Some debate about who was ultimately responsible for the decision to arrest Turner remains to this day. Though Holden's contemporaneous critics placed the blame squarely on him, Holden staunchly denied it, accusing Colonel Bergen of having gone rogue in the act. And there is some evidence to support this assertion. In a November 1870 letter addressed to Holden, Militia general Richard T. Berry recounted a conversation he had with Bergen shortly after Turner's apprehension:

Soon after my arrival that afternoon at the Co. [Company] Shops I went to see Bergin and asked him if you ordered the arrest of Turner. His reply was [']By God No I did it myself. I knew Holden wanted it done, and didn't have the nerve to say so. So I ordered Lt. Hunnycut & several men to go and do it...['].

Regardless of the order's origination, Turner's arrest marked a turning point for Governor Holden's relationship with the Federal government, as court and government officials began to lose faith in his tactics. A Federal judge issued writs of habeas corpus in early August and ordered the more than 100 alleged Klan members that had been arrested by Kirk's men turned over to the courts. Governor Holden appealed to President Ulysses S. Grant to rescind the writs, but Grant declined.

Releasing the suspected Klan members to the civilian court system largely marked the end of Holden's anti-Klan campaign, but Conservative backlash continued. In a shocking upset, Conservative candidates swept the election held in August, assuming the majority in the General Assembly. The new Conservative majority wasted no time in introducing articles of impeachment against Holden, which, in part, accused him of attempting to "stir up a civil war."

In total, eight articles of impeachment passed the state house of representatives. The articles charged Governor Holden with illegally declaring the counties of Alamance and Caswell to be in states of insurrection; the unlawful apprehension of 102 men, including Josiah Turner Jr.; the suspension of habeas corpus and refusing the accused proper trials; and the improper use of state funds in the recruitment and compensation of Kirk's militia.

Governor Holden's trial convened in the state senate chambers on January 23, 1871, and remained civil though hardly unbiased. The trial concluded with Holden's conviction on six out of eight counts on March 22. The senate then quickly voted to remove Holden from office and barred him from holding any other public office in the state. Holden's political career was over. 

Conservatives likewise targeted Colonel Kirk, burying him under a mountain of civil suits alleging false arrest. To protect himself from vigilantes, Kirk arranged his own arrest by a U.S. marshal, who carried him under guard to Raleigh. Kirk remained in the state capital until December when a Federal judge threw out the case against him. He originally returned home to Tennessee but quickly relocated to Washington, D.C., to accept a job as an officer with the police force. 

Photograph of Josiah Turner Jr. Courtesy of the North Carolina Museum of History.

The Way of War

The Way of War

If Governor William Woods Holden was going to win a war against the Ku Klux Klan, he was going to need allies who knew how to fight. One of the first men he recruited was a former Union bushwhacker named George W. Kirk. Kirk was a well-known guerilla fighter who led raids into Western North Carolina during the Civil War. He and his troops—known informally as Kirk's Raiders—sabotaged Confederate railways and attacked unsuspecting Confederate units with reckless abandon. 

This rough and tough attitude appealed to Governor Holden, who picked Kirk to command the militia and gave him the rank of Colonel. Colonel Kirk organized his forces and targeted areas of high Klan activity to enforce Governor Holden's martial law. Moving from county to county, Colonel Kirk and his second in command Colonel George B. Bergen arrested local Klan leaders and restored order. Despite the gains, Governor Holden's effort required more support, prompting him to reach out to an important potential ally for help. 

Portrait of George W. Kirk, circa 1901. Courtesy of The San Francisco Call

Portrait of President Ulysses S. Grant. Courtesy of the Library of Congress

On July 20, 1870, Governor Holden wrote President Ulysses S. Grant requesting additional support, mainly in the form of Federal soldiers. Governor Holden supported his request with three important points: the militia was largely outnumbered, the deployment of African American militia would likely lead to increased violence, and that it was impossible to find enough white men who supported his cause.

Governor Holden also argued that the presence of Federal soldiers in North Carolina would be enough to deter members of the Klan. President Grant agreed. In a letter dated July 22, he assured Governor Holden he had his support and directed Secretary of War William Worth Belknap to deploy Federal troops to North Carolina. 

The use of troops to suppress Klan activities in North Carolina was very effective. Colonel Kirk and his militia forces arrested around 100 members of the Klan and successfully broke up Klan activity in both Caswell and Alamance Counties. Despite their success in restoring law and order, the soldiers' presence wasn't entirely welcomed. Opposition to Governor Holden's use of troops led many Conservative newspapers to relentlessy attack the anti-Klan campaign, their columns often exaggerating or outright fabricating alleged outrages and mistreatment by Holden's forces. Governor Holden's campaign to arrest Klan members was a success, to be sure, but on the frontlines of the battle in the media, he met a formidable foe: Josiah Turner, Jr.

Portrait of U.S. Secretary of War William W. Belknap. Courtesy of the Library of Congress

A Declaration of Insurrection

A Declaration of Insurrection

Violence by the Ku Klux Klan within North Carolina had been increasing over the course of 1869, an attempt to curb the political influence of white Republicans and the newly won civil rights of Black citizens. Klan members largely targeted Black men, women, and children. Among the earliest victims of Klan violence during Governor Holden's administration was Daniel Blue

Blue was an African American man who resided in Moore County with his family. In February 1869, the Klan entered the family's home and murdered Blue's wife and children. After the murders, Klan members burned the house—with the bodies of the deceased still inside—to the ground.

Photograph of hooded member of the Ku Klux Klan, c. 1870. Courtesy of the State Archives of North Carolina.

Photograph of the Caswell County Courthouse in Yanceyville. Courtesy of Jimmy Emerson, DVM.

Influential African American politicians were also targeted by the Klan. On February 26th, 1870, a Black U.S. Army veteran and town commissioner named Wyatt Outlaw was lynched by Klan members on the grounds of the Alamance County courthouse. Wyatt had committed no particular "crime," a Klan member later testified. He was hanged simply "because he was a politician."

As winter turned to spring, the Klan continued their campaign of murder and terror. However, the act that would prompt Governor Holden to declare war on the Klan was the murder of John Walter Stephens

John Walter Stephens was a prominent Republican senator from Caswell County. Despite being warned not to attend the 1870 Democratic convention at the Caswell County courthouse, he attended anyway. Stephens was at the courthouse supporting his friend Frank Wiley in an attempt to get him to run for Sheriff of Caswell County on a Republican ticket. Unknown to Stephens, however, Wiley had already made a deal with the Klan. Wiley lured Stephens into an office, where Klan members subjected him to a mock trial. Finding him "guilty" on charges of arson and extortion, the Klan then murdered Stephens and left his body in the courthouse.

The Klan's previous outrages had certainly horrified Governor Holden, but the brazen murder of Stephens, who was a legislator at the time of his death, compelled him to escalate his response dramatically. It was time to fight back. Invoking the recently passed Schoffner Act—championed by Republican state senator Tetman M. Schoffner of Alamance County—Governor Holden declared the counties of Alamance and later Caswell to be in a states of insurrection and deployed militia forces to round up and arrest Klan members.

A Ku Klux Klan mask from c. 1870-1872. Masks were designed to conceal the wearer's identify and terrorize the group's victims. Courtesy of the North Carolina Museum of History.

The Papers of Governor Locke Craig

A selection of the papers of Governor Locke Craig, whose term in office spanned from 1913 to 1917.

Source: State Archives of North Carolina, via Flickr.

The Papers of
Governor Locke Craig

Known popularly in his time as the "Little Giant of the West," influential Asheville attorney and legislator Locke Craig rose to the governorship in 1913.

Fast Facts

→   graduated from the University of North Carolina, 1880
→   licensed to practice law, 1882
→   member of the North Carolina House of Representatives, 1899–1901
→   served as Governor of North Carolina, 1913–1917

A Complicated Legacy

Slowed by chronic illness and heartsick for the mountain-etched skyline of his home in Asheville, perhaps no man was ever more prepared to end his term as governor than Locke Craig. From 1913 to 1917, Craig tirelessly navigated the state through the most pressing issues of his day: the building of a network of good roads, the creation of the State Park System with the conservation of Mount Mitchell, and the rebuilding of Western North Carolina following the 1916 flood, to name a few. His turn in the governor’s mansion saw great personal changes and challenges too—the deterioration of his health, the death of his close friend and executive secretary John P. Kerr, and the birth of his son, Locke Craig Jr., late in his own life.

As much as we might admire Craig’s deft ability to triumph over complicated and lifechanging obstacles, we, as scholars of his political career, must also confront his unabashed dedication to the cause of white supremacy. It was Craig, after all, who stood shoulder to shoulder with Charles Aycock in launching the “campaign for the white man” at Laurinburg on May 12, 1898. Hitting the speakers circuit that summer with other prominent self-identifying white supremacists, Craig whipped white citizens into a racist frenzy. The bigoted fervor culminated in the violent murders of an untold number of Black North Carolinians and a suspension of Black voting rights that remained in place until the Voting Rights Act of 1965.

So, when placed in proper context, what are modern North Carolinians to make of Governor Craig’s legacy? The goal of this project is not necessarily to answer that question for today’s citizens and scholars, but rather to equip them with the primary sources necessary to examine his administration—and, more importantly, his words—for themselves. Over 500 transcribed and annotated documents shed light on the most significant themes of his time as governor.

Now Available!

The Official Papers of Governor Locke Craig

Aftermaths & Legacies of the Gourd Patch Conspiracy

Aftermaths & Legacies of the Gourd Patch Affair

Was the Gourd Patch Conspiracy a Loyalist Uprising?

A fervent desire to defend and promote Protestantism might make someone a zealot, but it does not necessarily make them a loyalist. Nothing in the formation of John Lewelling's original secret religious society suggested that he meant to become a loyalist. Instead, only as the movement snowballed towards violence, and as the State of North Carolina made their own judgements of Lewelling's intentions, did Lewelling and his associates become loyalists. Still, each member's fealty to the king was a personal decision and the vast majority of former associators successfully reintegrated themselves into Patriot society once the charges against them were dropped. George Ward, a resident of Bertie, was implicated in the plot, but his name appeared on a county-wide Oath of Allegiance a year later. Isaac Barbree, one 's the plots most violent members who had assisted in planning several assassination plots, later enlisted in the Continental Army.

Statewide Oaths of Allegiance

Handwritten document with the phrase

List of People Swearing the Oath of Allegiance to the State of North Carolina in Edenton, 23 June 1778

In the aftermath of the Gourd Patch Conspiracy trials, the state continued to enforce the recent law requiring all white adult men in the area to take the Oath of Allegiance to the State of North Carolina. If they refused, they'd be considered a loyalist and might be asked to leave the state within sixty days or forfeit their property.

Every county was divided into districts, and local officials were responsible for collecting oaths from every man in their assigned area. It was also noted if men refused the oath and what reasoning they might have had if that was the case. Taken in total, these oath of allegiance lists of men who signed and refused to sign is an important collection of historical documents. Not only do they act as a sort of census for Bertie, Martin, and Chowan during the tumultuous time of the American Revolution, but the list also helped many average individuals appear in the historical record who might not have done so otherwise.

The Lewelling-Mayo Feud

Handwritten document stating

John Lewelling Mayo's name as written on Nathan Mayo's will.

Nathan Mayo, by helping Mary Lewelling get an audience with Richard Caswell, likely helped save John Lewelling's life. And Mayo's forgiveness wasn't a momentary blip either. When John Lewelling died in 1793, he named Nathan Mayo as one of the executors of his will. Further, Lewelling's daughter Susannah married Mayo's son Frederick, and the pair named their son John Lewelling Mayo, evidence that any old feuds were long since forgiven. Later when Frederick died, Susannah remarried to her brother-in-law, Nathan Mayo Jr.

Conclusion

So the Gourd Patch Affair came to an end. As it turned out, there were no assassinations, no executions. Still, the events in a rural Martin County pumpkin patch had an important effect on North Carolina's new government. By granting a pardon, Caswell strengthened the power of the executive and defined one of the governor's roles in the new government. Further, it made state leaders aware of just what a tenuous hold they had on state authority. The Gourd Patch Conspiracy had been thwarted, but the event taught state leaders that in the future they'd need a mix of authority and compromise in order to keep the state together and prevent future uprisings.

For Further Reading

Cogliano, Francis D. No King, No Popery: Anti-Catholicism in Revolutionary New England. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1995.

Crow, Jeffrey J. "Tory Plots and Anglican Loyalty: The Llewelyn Conspiracy of 1777." North Carolina Historical Review, Vol. 55, No. 1 (Jan 1978) 1-17.

Freeze, Gary. "Like A House Built Upon Sand: The Anglican Church and Establishment in North Carolina, 1765-1776." Historical Magazine of the Protestant Episcopal Church, Vol. 48, No. 4 (Dec 1979) 405-432.

Holton, Woody. Forced Founders: Indians, Debtors, Slaves & the making of the American Revolution in Virginia. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1999.

McConville, Brendan. The Brethren: A Story of Faith and Conspiracy in Revolutionary America. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2021.

Thomas, Gerald W. Rebels and King's Men: Bertie County in the Revolutionary War. Raleigh: North Carolina Department of Cultural Resources, 2013.

Troxler, Carole Watterson. The Loyalist Experience in North Carolina. Raleigh: NC Department of Cultural Resources, 1976.

Explore the Gourd Patch Documents

The Gourd Patch Conspirators on Trial

The Gourd Patch Conspirators on Trial

The Plot Unravels: Depositions

As knowledge of the plot got out to state officials, former members of the plot made depositions, or sworn statements, about their knowledge of and involvement in the conspiracy. Some of these men came before their local justices of the peace voluntarily, and others were likely arrested and questioned.

These depositions form the majority of the documents associated with the Gourd Patch Conspiracy, and are unique because they allow the plot's members to speak in their own words, even when it is clear that many of them were illiterate and could not sign their own names.

When making a deposition, former plotters informed on everyone they knew that was part of the conspiracy, including their own family members. Local judges then used these depositions as evidence in determining which men would be charged with a crime and what their charges would be.

Historic Chowan County Courthouse, located in Edenton, NC

Historic Chowan County Courthouse, which held the Edenton District Court of Oyer & Terminer in 1777

The Charges Explained:

The Gourd Patch associators faced charges of treason and misprision of treason. The latter was more common.

Treason

Treason is the attempt to overthrow a government, to kill or injure a head of state, or to knowingly give aid to an enemy of the state. Thus, when John Lewelling, Rawlings, and others attempted to contract General Howe, they sealed a treason charge for themselves. Just like in British law, two witnesses had to give testimony against any person tried for treason.

Treason was a capital charge, meaning if convicted, Lewelling and others could face the death penalty.

Misprision of Treason

The term misprision refers to an act similar to being the accessory to a crime, or aiding and abetting one. Gourd Patch associators were charged with misprision of treason if the court felt that they had known about the conspiracy and had failed to report it to the proper authorities.

Misprision of treason was not a capital charge, but if convicted, men could face jail time, the loss of their land, or even banishment.

Interior of the historic Chowan County Courthouse

A Test of the North Carolina Legal System

Trying the Gourd Patch Conspirators would be a groundbreaking test of the state's new legal system. In May 1777 the North Carolina General Assembly had passed legislation officially defining the the charges of treason and misprision of treason. They had also announced that every adult male in the state needed to make an oath of allegiance to the new state or leave the state in sixty days. The upcoming trial would be the first case since the new law, and the first in the Edenton District of Oyer and Terminer since the court had reopened from its pause when the American Revolution has broken out. It was also the first time a trial was titled "The State vs," rather than "The King vs."

Handwritten document stating:
Handwritten note stating:

Excerpts of the Prosecution Docket for the Edenton District Superior Court, May 1778. "The King vs John Green" was the final royal case the court saw prior to reopening as a state court.

The first associator to go on trial was the plot's ringleader: John Lewelling. In September 1777, using depositions from several co-conspirators as well as a long list of witnesses, James Iredell, the state's prosecutor and future supreme court justice, put Lewelling on trial for his life. On September 20 the court's judge John Baptist Beasley found Lewelling guilty of high treason. His execution was scheduled for September 30, 1777. The remainder of the conspirators were brought before the court on charges. Some were found guilty of misprision of treason and they were all bonded out until the next sitting of the court.

The Doors of Mercy Should Never Be Shut:" Lewelling's Pardon

The court's case against John Lewelling was strong, and even before his conviction many people in North Carolina thought it would only be a matter of time before he'd face the death penalty. Still, just as his court case was a first for the state, his possible execution would be as well. As the shadow loomed ahead for Lewelling, many onlookers had opinions about what his execution might mean for the state, views that they voiced to Richard Caswell, the state's governor and one of Lewelling's intended victims.

Allen Jones, the Brigadier General for the Halifax District of the militia who was tasked with guarding the Halifax powder magazine from Lewelling's supporters, recommended no mercy for the arrested conspirators.

In contrast, Robert Smith, a lawyer in Edenton, recommended a pardon as a display of mercy.

I make no doubt but hanging about a dozen, will have exceedingly good effect, in this State, and give stability to our Government.

-Letter from Allen Jones to Thomas Burke, 6 August 1777

Law should be strictly attended to, severity exercised, but the doors of mercy should never be shut... it would be a great means of... restoring union to this distracted country.

-Letter from Robert Smith to Richard Caswell, 31 July 1777

Whatever Governor Caswell decided to do, his decision could have a profound effect on the state. Should he approve the punishment and demonstrate to the world what North Carolina did to traitors? Or he could grant a reprieve? Maybe by showing his would-be assassin mercy, Caswell could demonstrate the new state government's benevolence and sense of justice.

In weighing out his options, Governor Caswell considered several petitions from concerned members of the community who asked that Lewelling and others be pardoned. A petition from Thomas H. Hall called upon Caswell's paternal sense of mercy, reminding the governor that he had a duty to look out for the wellbeing of all the state's citizens. Caswell had good enough sense to know what was right, Hall stated, and any further arguments would be "needless as the Tears of the Widow and the Orphan" were Lewelling not pardoned.

Other petitions came from more unlikely circles. Colonel William Williams, one of the plot's intended victims submitted a petition on Lewelling's behalf. If Williams had found space to forgive his would-be killer, surely Caswell could do so as well.

One other notable petition came to Caswell's desk, and this final one was hand delivered. Mary Lewelling, John's wife, made the trek to Hillsborough to personally plead her husband's case before the governor. In making such a long journey without her husband, Mary had the escort of one of her longtime neighbors: Nathan Mayo.

Richard Caswell's family bible

Picture of Governor Richard Caswell's family bible. Courtesy of NC Museum of History.

Map of Hillsborough, NC

Map of the town of Hillsborough. Courtesy of State Archives of North Carolina.

Nathan Mayo, Lewelling's close neighbor personally escorted Mary Lewelling as she sought a pardon for her husband. Lewelling and his co-conspirators had intended to kill Nathan and his brother James, as well as several members of their extended family. Nathan, a justice of the peace, had personally received a sworn deposition from co-conspirator Thomas Best, who had said Lewelling once said that "Nathan Mayo was a Very Busy Body... and that Son of A Betch would get kiled." For all that animosity, why the sudden change of heart?

One reason Nathan Mayo may have found forgiveness for John Lewelling was because Mayo was perhaps also seeking forgiveness for himself. On August 22, 1777, Mayo had a drunken dispute with one of his neighbors, Thomas Clark, about the politics of the day. When Clark expressed his support for King George III, it angered Mayo who declared Clark was a loyalist who ought to be arrested. Clark then attempted to shoot Mayo, and when he missed, Mayo went into his own home, retrieved his gun, and shot Clark, who died a few hours later. The charges against Mayo were later dropped, but whether he found forgiveness for Lewelling due to his own personal sense of remorse or for another reason, his presence as a would-be victim served to enforce the strength of Mary Lewelling's petition for clemency.

Your Disconsolate Petitioner and her children will not only have to combat shame, and disgrave but also the keenest poverty.

-Petition from Mary Lewelling to Richard Caswell, circa 23 September 1777

When Mary Lewelling submitted a petition to Governor Caswell, she did so not only for her husband, but also on behalf of herself and her entire family. Without John, Mary feared that she would be unable to provide for the couple's children. In addition to her husband's life, their family's property, all in her husband's name, was also at stake, and might be forfeited to the government as a consequence of Lewelling's crimes. Such a fate would leave Mary widowed, but also property-less.

Mary Lewelling's petition stands not only as a testament to the precariousness of womanhood during this period, but also points to how women could exert themselves in the public sphere. By getting the governor to sympathize with her position, Mary ultimately saved her husband's life.

In response to the petitions and the personal visit from Mary Lewelling and Nathan Mayo, on September 28, Governor Caswell and the North Carolina Council of State stayed the execution. While they did not grant him a pardon, they resolved that Lewelling's case could be considered at the next sitting of the state legislature.

In November, Lewellng's case came before the state house and senate, where the decision of what to do with Lewelling highlighted tensions between the new executive and legislative branches. Who had the right to pardon him? The legislature had made a law about treason and the justice system had determined Lewelling and others had broken it. What place did the governor have in this system? Some feared that by allowing the governor a pardoning power, that he might become too much like a king, which had been the cause for the whole revolution in the first place.

The house and senate ultimately decided that Lewelling ought to be executed. However, they added the caveat that if the judge in Lewelling's case had further information, they might reconsider the case. Accordingly on December 2, 1777, judge John Baptist Beasley asked Governor Caswell a pardon on Lewelling's behalf. He wrote:

I am so unhappy to have nothing to plead in [Lewelling's] behalf but mercy which as it is a darling attribute of the deity hope it will prevail.

-Letter from John Baptist Beasley to Richard Caswell, 2 December 1777

With the letter, Judge Beasley made it clear that even he thought the sentence was unjust for Lewelling's crime. He asked for mercy, both for Lewelling and for his family. Based in part on Beasley's letter, as well as the number petitions he had previously received, Governor Caswell granted Lewelling a pardon, the first of its kind for the state. While the pardon does not survive, later evidence such as census records and Lewelling's 1794 will demonstrate that he, like most other members of the Gourd Patch Conspiracy were granted clemency.

Handwritten census list including John Lewellen's name

Picture of a 1790 census for Martin County. The entry lists John Lewelling. It further states he enslaved 20 people at the time of the census.

During the 1778 term of the Edenton District court, charges were dropped against most of the remaining members of the conspiracy, likely after they swore an oath of allegiance to the State of North Carolina. William Brimage, a large landowner and prominent former judge refused to take the oath and was expelled from the state, leaving his family behind. One of the only other men not to have his charges dropped was the movement's spiritual leader, James Rawlings, who had fled from the New Bern jail never to be seen again.

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Fight or Flight

The Gourd Patch Turns Violent

With William Tyler in jail and the conspiracy's papers possibly in the hands of the authorities, John Lewelling felt a sudden sense of urgency. If they wanted to defend Protestantism, they'd need to take action, and fast.

As news of May and later Tyler's arrest circulated, Lewelling and other members of the conspiracy met at the gourd patch, likely a location in Martin County near the Conetoe Swamp in the vicinity of Lewelling's home. Some men proposed to break William May out of jail on June 20, those plans were never realized. Yet, it was clear the conspiracy's aims were turning more violent. Rather than stopping at the abstract idea of kidnapping the governor, Lewelling and others in his circle began to identify other men as enemies. One new enemy of the plot was close to home, and in fact a near neighbor: James Mayo.

James and his brother Nathan Mayo lived near John Lewelling. Ardent whigs, they were involved in local politics and in the county militia. Nathan's land bordered Lewelling's, and he in fact sold Lewelling's land to him in 1772. Despite being neighbors, by the spring of 1777 Lewelling and the Mayos were feuding, and Lewelling became convinced that the brothers were somehow responsible for the recent arrests of the plot's members.

John Lewelling said Nathan Mayo was a very busy body & he believed was put there to watch him & that son of a betch would get kiled.

-Deposition of Thomas Best, 9 September 1777

Field full of orange pumpkins

After William Tyler was arrested in late June, Lewelling and others met at the gourd patch, where Lewelling declared that James Mayo must be behind the recent troubles. Three or four men spied on Nathan Mayo, and shortly after, Isaac Barbree, at John Lewelling's son William's urging, concealed himself along a road James Mayo often frequented. Armed with a gun, Barbee intended to ambush and kill Mayo, but Mayo did not use the road that night and consequently avoided the attack.

Fight or Flight

By July 1777 neither the state's leading officials or even the plot's leadership could control the extent of the conspiracy. As the plotters paced the gourd patch and waited to hear the consequences of William Tyler's arrest, the group fragmented. Some members were ready to take up arms and violently resist the state government. Others panicked and feared they were in too deep. One of these hesitant members likely shared news of the plot with Whitmel Hill, a Martin County assemblyman and one of the plot's intended victims. By July 4th, word had spread to many of the area's leading officials that a violent conspiracy was afoot and that it's members planned to seize a powder magazine. By July 6, word went to the governor himself.

As news spread and the plan to attack Halifax unraveled, the gourd patch conspirators each had to decide the best path forward. Sometime in early July, Lewelling determined that their best solution would be to go directly to General William Howe, the commander of the British Army in North America.

Engraving of William Howe wearing a red military jacket

1777 mezzotint of General William Howe. Courtesy of Brown University Library.

Lewelling's decision to approach Howe was a serious one. To reach Howe, Lewelling would have to travel cross enemy lines and locate the British Army somewhere in northern New Jersey or Philadelphia. Such a journey was not only dangerous, but also costly, especially when Lewelling learned that James Sherrard, a fellow conspirator and close collaborator refused to share in the cost. Contacting Howe would be a clear step towards loyalism. Lewelling and his supporters could no longer claim that they were neutrals, motivated by a zealous interpretation of Protestantism. By approaching Howe, they were taking sides. Even more seriously, providing information to the enemy, as the North Carolina state government saw it, was treason, a capital offence. If Lewelling was caught, he'd be facing the death penalty.

In early July, Lewelling, James Rawlings, the group's spiritual leader, and possibly a few other men went set out north on horseback, intending to find Howe. It was not long however until either their courage or their funds ran out, and they turned around at Scotland Neck, just north of Halifax. Without Howe, there was no one else who could help the conspirators except themselves. Everyone faced a decision of what to do next: fight or flight.

Map of North Carolina, indicating the route between Tarboro and Scotland Neck

Map of North Carolina indicating the approximate location of Scotland Neck halfway between Tarboro (Tarrburg) and Halifax. Courtesy of David Rumsey Map Collection.

Flight: James Rawlings

Just before the state discovered the extent of the conspiracy, Lewelling and other leaders saw the writing on the wall. On July 5th, having failed on their mission to contact General Howe, Lewelling advised James Rawlings, a church lay reader and the plot's spiritual leader, to destroy all evidence of the plot, flee for his life, and to claim no knowledge of it if captured.

Rawlings, as he later disclosed, was not just fleeing from state authorities, but from Lewelling himself. When Rawlings objected to Lewelling's plans to instigate an enslaved uprising and refused to assist in murdering James Mayo, Lewelling declared:

If [Rawlings] divulgd. any thing [death] was the portion to him or any one else.

-Deposition of James Rawlings, 10 August 1777

Taking his five small children and his wife with him, Rawlings got out of town as quickly as possible. It is unknown where he headed first, but it is likely he went south towards New Bern, where he waited for a time before acquiring a small sailboat. A known and wanted man, Rawlings intended to sail for Knott's Island, a place on the Currituck Sound bordering Virginia.

By early August, Abraham Jones, a local justice of the peace in Hyde County, received word that Rawlings might sail through the Pamlico Sound in his escape.

Jones spotted Rawlings' sailboat on August 2 and captured the craft, arresting Rawlings and bringing the lay readers' wife and five children with them back to New Bern.

Rawlings was confined in the New Bern jail, where he was questioned and made several depositions about his knowledge and involvement in the plot. Rawlings made a full confession and was charged with treason. He made a full disclosure of his knowledge of the plot, sparing nothing. It was from Rawlings that state officials first learned about Lewelling's plans to foment an enslaved uprising and assassinate the governor at Halifax.

Map of the Albemarle Sound

1776 Mouzon Map of northeastern North Carolina, indicating the location of Knotts Island. Courtesy David Rumsey Map Collection.

The truth did not set Rawlings free however, and he continued to fear for his safety. Not only did Rawlings have to face charges, but he also feared what Lewelling might do when he learned Rawlings had made his violent plans known. Rawlings told the justices at New Bern that he had "Great Reason to fear [Lewelling] Will Make any attempts to Invalidate My Testimony... I being a poor Man have Reason to fear his power and Influence over Others to My hurt."

Fearful for his future, Rawlings took it into his own hands and escaped from jail during the night of September 11 along with two men charged with robbery. The wanted ad after his escape read:

James Rawlins, for high Treason. He is a noted Villan, and was one of the principals in the late conspiracy against the State.

-Wanted Advertisement for James Rawlings, 12 September 1777

Despite the 10 Shilling reward for his capture, Rawlings made good his escape and was never heard from again.

Fight: John Lewelling

On or about July 16th, Lt. Col. Henry Irwin of the Continental Army was recuperating at his home in Tarboro when an alarm rang out through the town. Irwin was a former officer in the Halifax District Militia, and he quickly gathered the local militia to face the alarm.

As Irwin discovered, a group of white planters, likely members of the Gourd Patch Conspiracy, and likely headed by John Lewelling himself. Facing them head-on, Irwin later recounted:

Signature of Lt. Col. Henry Irwin, who arrested several Gourd Patch conspirators.

30 of them made an attempt on this place but luckly I had about 25 men to oppose them, I disarmed the whole, & made many take the Oath

-Letter from Henry Irwin to Richard Caswell, 16 July 1777

The Gourd Patch militants likely had come to Tarboro to seize the powder magazine there, but ill-prepared and faced with an trained fighting force, they quickly surrendered. Many members then sat in jail while authorities questioned them and determined what to do next. When captured, John Lewelling faced a treason charge.

Map of the vicinity near Tarboro, NC

1776 Mouzon Map, indicating the location of Tarboro (Tarrburg) and the Conetoe (Coneghta) Creek, which was near Lewelling's home. Courtesy David Rumsey Map Collection.

Flight: William Brimage

William Brimage's attempt to escape from authorities is perhaps the most colorful. Brimage, a former admiralty court judge for the crown, was a prominent wealthy landowner in Bertie County. Elected to represent Bertie at the first Provincial Congress, he did not attend, but it was not enough to raise suspicion of his loyalist attachment to the crown, and he was selected as a judge for the Edenton District in 1777.

After being recruited, Brimage took the oath before Daniel Leggett and became a member of the Gourd Patch Conspiracy on July 4th. Because of his wealth and influence, Brimage immediately became a senior warden in the plot for Bertie County and was empowered to recruit new members, but it is unclear if he ever did so.

The following map highlights the key places and events of Brimage's attempted escape from North Carolina. When the plot unraveled later that July (likely after the arrest of some conspirators at Tarboro), Brimage was brought in for questioning about his involvement in the plot and later paroled. Paroled from jail but unwilling to make an oath of allegiance to the state, Brimage left his family behind at his Bertie County estate (1.) and headed towards New Bern, where he hoped to board The Brothers, aka the "Tory Brig," a ship captained by loyalist James Barzey which promised to bring crown sympathizers to British-held New York.

Brimage, however, was running late, and rather than catching the ship at New Bern, he had to meet the brig at Ocracoke Island (2.), its final stop before departing the state. Meanwhile, as state officials uncovered more alarming information about the Gourd Patch conspiracy, their suspicions about the extent of Brimage's involvement in the plot mounted. Governor Caswell personally called for Brimage's capture, stating:

engraving of a three-masted sailing ship

Engraving of a sailing ship.

It appears to me beyond a reasonable doubt that [Brimage] has been one of the formers of their diabolical plan.

-Letter from Richard Caswell to David Barron, 27 July 1777

Governor Caswell ordered out the militia, instructing them to stop Brimage from boarding the brig and to bring him back to New Bern to face charges. Captain James Anderson of the Ocracoke Militia, removed Brimage from the Tory Brig on July 27 or 28. The island, however, did not have a jail, so Anderson paroled Brimage, instructing him not to leave the island until authorities from New Bern came to arrest him.

Afraid of facing a treason charge, Brimage resolved to escape the island by any means possible. Sometime on his journey, either in New Bern, on the Tory Brig, or on Ocracoke, Brimage ran into two other men two also wanted to leave the island: a man named Campbell, and John Smith, a Bertie County blacksmith. Time was ticking though, and they'd need to leave quickly before their absence was discovered.

Map of eastern North Carolina

1776 Mouzon Map of North Carolina's waterways. Courtesy David Rumsey Map Collection.

As the sun rose on July 28, Brimage, Smith, and Campbell set about trying to hire a boat that could take them north to Virginia and the safety of the British warships that patrolled those waters. Brimage made a deal with the Cornelius and Daniel Austin, two brothers who promised to row Brimage, Smith, and Campbell to Roanoke Island (3.) in exchange for $8.

Shortly after embarking on their voyage, Campbell seemed to grow restless, Daniel Austin later recalled. Rather than going to Roanoke Island, Campbell suddenly asked the Austins to take them slightly farther to New Inlet (4.) instead, promising them $10. Though Campbell said he simply "wanted to see it," it is likely Campbell and the others thought it would be easier to make their escape to Virginia from the coastal inlet.

That afternoon, once the exhausted Austin brothers pulled the boat ashore at New Inlet, the group of men found themselves on a uninhabited windswept beach looking out at the Atlantic. When Daniel Austin walked a short distance from the boat to look at the nearby shoals, Campbell followed him.

Pulling out a pair of pistols he had concealed in a handkerchief, Campbell pointed them at Daniel, declaring that he was in fact a Lieutenant on a British naval ship, and that "he must have his Boat for he must make his Escape." Cornelius heard his brother cry out at 'Lt. Campbell,' "begging for God's sake not to take his Life." Brimage and Smith seemed shocked at Campbell's sudden turn towards violence and urged the lieutenant not to shoot. Brimage declared "he would perish on the beach" lest the brothers were spared. Smith wanted no part, and asked the Austins if he could go home with them should Campbell steal the boat.

A seashell on the beach at Ocracoke island

A sandy beach on Ocracoke Island, where William Brimage met the Austins. Courtesy Ted Van Pelt

Sunset on the Albemarle Sound

A sunset on the Albemarle Sound, where the Austins fled from Brimage's group. Courtesy Jed Record

Despite Smith's and Brimage's words of support, the Austins still feared they were in danger. Cornelius asked Smith if he would help them fight Campbell but he refused, stating Campbell "was a blooded minded Fellow and was afraid he would kill some of them." In this uneasy truce, the Austins agreed that rather than lose their boat they'd take the group north to Currituck (5.), after which they'd be paid and free to go.

En route to Currituck, the weather suddenly worsened. They stopped at a small marsh island to get ballast, or small rocks to weigh down the boat and keep it steady against the rising seas. It was now that Brimage revealed the groups' true intentions to the brothers. They had hired the boat not as a mere sightseeing jaunt, but because they need to escape. Brimage and Smith "had done no harm, but being suspected Tories," were on the run. Campbell's taste for violence was his own, but Brimage and Smith assured the brothers that they merely wanted to escape the state peacefully.

Shortly after that, the stormy conditions worsened, and the group had no other choice but to pull the boat ashore and wait out the weather. They beached the boat at a placed called Dolbey's Point, somewhere on the Outer Banks north of Roanoke Island. The men all climbed out of the boat and sat on the beach. After some time, sensing that their captors were distracted, Daniel nudged his brother and they both ran for the boat and pushed off to sea.

As the Austins frantically rowed for safety, the three loyalists now found themselves stranded. Campbell somehow commandered a boat and left, presumably headed to Virginia, never to be heard from again. The Austins went to Chowan County, where they made sworn depositions about their recent experiences. John Mann, a resident of Hyde County near Roanoke Island (6.), later encountered Brimage and Smith, either on Roanoke Island or, more likely, near New Inlet, and arrested them. He brought them via boat to Edenton to face charges, where they arrived on July 30. Meanwhile the militia Gov. Caswell had sent to find Brimage at Ocracoke returned to New Bern (7.), finding their mission already had been done by a local fisherman.

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Gunpowder, Treason, & Plot: First Arrests

"Obliged to Kill all the Heads of the County:" The Plot's Intended Victims

Image of fourteen black silhouettes of men, representing the supposed fourteen enemies of protestantism

One member of the plot, Thomas Harrison, later testified that fourteen members of the North Carolina State Assembly either held personal religious beliefs or supported religious legislation that the plot's members found controversial. These fourteen men, as the plotters saw it, were challenging many North Carolinians' identities as devout protestants and eroding religion's role in the state, and they needed to be stopped. At first the plotter wanted to stop them ideologically, but as time went on they considered using violence.

While there is no list of the fourteen politicians who the Gourd Patch Plotters saw as the leading threats, it is possible to identify some of the conspiracy's intended victims due to their unorthodox religious beliefs and status in the community.

Painting of Richard Caswell

Richard Caswell

The first governor of the State of North Carolina, Caswell had voted for a law which allowed every white male to run for office regardless of his religious beliefs.

Signature of Whitmel Hill

Whitmel Hill

A representative of Martin County (John Lewelling's home) in the Provincial Congress and a Lt. Col. in the Martin County Militia, Hill denied the existence of the holy trinity.

Engraving of Willie Jones

Willie Jones

A representative of Halifax County in the Provincial Congresses and in the State Assembly, Jones was likely a deist and later requested that no priest attend his funeral.

Gunpowder, Treason, & Plot: First Arrests

Initially John Lewelling and the conspiracy's other leaders had instructed their new members "to keep out popery" and protect the Protestant religion, but it was not exactly clear how they were supposed to do so. Aside from asking for financial contributions to employ a lay reader, or unofficial spiritual leader who could lead the group in church services, Lewelling also told his new adherents to oppose the state military draft, as he feared that the state militia might help the state government in diminishing the importance of religion in the state.

By the summer of 1777 as their fears increased and the state became more insistent in collecting oaths of loyalty from its citizens, the Gourd Patch conspirators were convinced that they needed to take further action. It was no longer enough to sit out the war—instead they might need to take matters into their own hands. Accordingly, James Sherrard, Daniel Leggett, and other wardens instructed their new adherents to each gather half a pound of gunpowder and two pounds of lead shot. They may need to fight back.

Getting gunpowder and ammunition for the plot was not as easy as going to the store. Bartlet Moreland Davidson of Martin County, who later named Lewelling among his "loving friends," went to Tarboro to get powder for the group. James Sherrard and John Collins went to Windsor, where they got enough powder for five of the plotters. It was not enough though. The war had led to powder and ammunition shortages, as most of these materials were being held for the Continental Army and militia's use.

The Gourd Patch conspirators needed more powder, and to get it, they had to go to the source: a powder magazine. Black powder was volatile and had to be stored carefully to keep it safe and useable. The special ammunition storehouse was called a magazine, and major towns each had one, usually in a central secure location residents could access in case of attack.

Powder magazines had become a hotbed of activity in the early period of the revolution. In 1775 the colonial governors in Massachusetts and Virginia had seized local powder magazines for the use of British troops, sparking major unrest in those areas. Now the Gourd Patch conspirators drafted plans to seize the powder magazine in nearby Halifax, NC for themselves. It would not be easy.

A grassy field filled with yellow flowers, the former site of the Halifax powder magazine

Picture of the former site of the Powder Magazine in Halifax, NC. Historically this was the location of the town village green, which had many functions during the American Revolution.

Why Halifax?

Every county in North Carolina was authorized to have a powder magazine, so why would Lewelling and his fellow conspirators decide to make a raid on the magazine at Halifax specifically? Halifax was over 33 miles away from Lewelling's home in the Conetoe Swamp, and no records survive identifying any resident of Halifax County as a member of the conspiracy. Lewelling was probably motivated by a mixture of three reasons.

  • Halifax, like Edenton and New Bern, was a district center, so it may have had a larger supply of powder than other county magazines.
  • Halifax was the symbolic birthplace of independence in the state. In 1776 Halifax had been the home of the signing of the Halifax Resolves, a set of instructions instructing the state's delegates in Philadelphia to vote for independence.
A pile of loose black gunpowder
  • Governor Richard Caswell was supposed to be visiting Halifax soon. Lewelling wanted to time the raid so that they could seize the magazine and attack the governor on the same day.

A raid on the powder magazine at Halifax had its advantages, but it was not without its difficulties. At the sound of alarm, the Halifax County Regiment would immediately scramble to protect their stores. There might also be an increased military presence if the governor was in town as planned. If Lewelling wanted to be successful, he needed a distraction.

The plotters' plan for a distraction depended on one man: David Taylor. Taylor, a resident of Chowan County, was a slave patroller, or a specially appointed armed official who regulated enslaved people's movements. Patrollers policed African Americans' movements in many forms, including checking enslaved people's passes to ensure they had permission to be out, checking free African Americans' freedom papers, breaking up gatherings of African Americans, and hunting for runaway, or self-emancipated people.

After being recruited by James Rawlings, David Taylor learned about the plan Lewelling had for him. Taylor's later testimony about his involvement in the plot is scant, but Lewelling wanted him to do one of two things. Lewelling may have wanted Taylor to burst into town in Halifax and use his reputation as credibility to lie and declare that nearby enslaved African Americans were rebelling and thus draw the militia out of the town. Alternatively Lewelling may have wanted Taylor to foment an actual enslaved rebellion. According to Rawlings, Lewelling wanted Taylor to:

Engraving of a patroller holding a lantern and inspecting enslaved people's passes

Sketch of a slave patroller checking an African American man's pass. Patrollers like David Taylor watched the local roads to make sure enslaved people did not escape or meet to form plans to rebel.

Disaffect the minds of the [enslaved people] & Cause them to run away, under the name of Rising & Draw the Solders out of Halifax in pursuit of them.

-Deposition of James Rawlings, 6 August 1777

Lewelling's decision to instigate an enslaved uprising, or at least suggest the rumor of one, was highly controversial. For many white planters, regardless of their personal religious beliefs, their greatest fear was that of an enslaved rebellion. When Virginia's royal governor seized the powder from the magazines at Williamsburg in 1775, the colonists were angry not merely because they felt that the powder was not the governor's to take, but because they were afraid the governor was purposefully leaving them defenseless and encouraging enslaved African Americans to rise up against them. One historian has even suggested that for many white Virginians, it was this specific fear, not lofty ideas about representation or the enlightenment, that spurred Virginian colonists toward revolution.

The thought of merely proposing, let alone instigating an uprising among the enslaved people was likely too much for David Taylor, and on June 4, 1777 he and his relative Joseph went to the authorities and made depositions about their knowledge of the plot. Still, Taylor was careful and did not make mention of the possible uprising or violence, possibly because he was fearful of additional criminal charges. Instead he said the plot was focused on keeping popery out of the state.

Shortly after the Taylors came forward, William May, another member of the plot, was arrested in Pitt County. May testified about his knowledge of the conspiracy on June 19th, and the rough edges of the plot soon began to unravel.

Unlike the Taylors, May's deposition mentioned another aspect of the plot. Aside from talk of keeping popery out of the state, state officials were alarmed to hear something else: the plotters were ready to oppose the military draft, and were going to encourage others to do so.

Interior of a colonial era powder magazine

Interior of a colonial era powder magainze. Powder kegs stored in the Halifax magazine were the target of Lewelling's planned raid. Courtesy Dennis Jarvis

Due to this alarming new information, local officials suddenly took the Taylors' depositions about the plot more seriously. Rather than a relatively innocuous, yet zealous anti-Catholic group, it now appeared that the Gourd Patch organization would stand in opposition to the new state government. Shortly after May's arrest, Pitt County officials then arrested Martin County planter William Tyler, who May said had recruited him to the plot. This latest arrest was concerning for Lewelling and the plot's other leaders, as rumor had it "old Tylor was taken with all the papers in his pocket." What would happen if the plot's constitution and other important recruitment papers were now in the hands of county officials, the very men that Lewelling feared were trying to dismantle proper Protestant society? Something had to be done.

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